嗯,昨天在上的社發的最後不知道為什麼從
社區總體價值觀可以扯到這個
我想我百分之兩百是個失意的完美主義者吧,
典型的老大。
也或許帶有一點中間孩子的被燒傷的小孩。
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The "historical-structural" approach to the analysis of situations of dependency in the Third World and the revival of Marxist class analysis, both products of the sixties, combined with the older Europeanist tradition of comparative historical analysis to produce a rich variety of descendants over the course of the seventies and eighties. The result was a new comparative political economy that dealt similarly and often simultaneously with both first and third world problems. This is not to say that work evolved smoothly. The literature was filled with critiques and countercritiques and various kinds of internecine warfare, but by the mid-eighties there was a large body of work on development and the world economy that was variegated but surprisingly coherent. The new comparative political economy has not aimed at charting progress along a presumed unilinear path of societal development but rather at uncovering, interpreting, and explaining distinctive patterns of development. Why do different countries exhibit different patterns of distribution and accumulation over the course of their development? Why is industrialization associated with strikingly disparate political regimes in different periods and regions? Associated with the concern with distinctiveness is the refusal to take for granted the relative strength of different classes or the character of the relations among them. The strength of dominant and subordinate classes, like the strength and autonomy of the state, is taken as a variable. Possibilities for conflict or compromise between classes are seen as arising out of domestic political histories but also as powerfully conditioned by international economic and political conjunctures. The diversity of the new comparative political economy makes it hard to characterize in abstract terms. We try first to characterize it by example, looking, albeit in a regrettably schematic and elliptic way, at some major substantive issues and how those working within this approach have attacked them. We examine the way in which class analysis has been handled by the new comparative political economy, how the interaction of state and society is treated, and how relations between the international political economy and national development trajectories are conceptualized. Then, we provide a general characterization of the approach by reiterating the theoretical and methodological assumptions most commonly shared by its practitioners. duskdawn 發表在 痞客邦 留言(1) 人氣(81)
遲交的自傳,
EMAIL中附上一句話:
「不好意思很遲才交,老師對不起。 」
老師給了個超可愛的回覆
↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓
duskdawn 發表在 痞客邦 留言(0) 人氣(36)
昨天睡前火很大
今天上線看到版上翻譯分配
XXX:p.10 just think ~ 最後
請各位在星期日晚上10點給我方便我統整
最後一位同學量比較多一點...(對不起>< 我不是故意的)
所以請在午夜之前給我就可以了
謝謝!
你以為你多給的部份多兩個小時翻的完嗎(大哭)
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這邊暫時不貼遊戲日記了...
忙到翻桌
變成修羅寫實?= =
禮拜三
七八點起床
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早上去聽了全球音樂文化
半堂 整學期課程介紹
很有趣
不過我選擇滾回去上必羞 組織社會學
跟日本人物&全球音樂說掰掰
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| MON | TUE | WED | THU | FRI |
1 8:10-9:00 | | | | 生活園藝 | |
2 9:10-10:00 | | 組織社會學 | 農業經濟學乙 | 生活園藝 | 發展社會學 |
3 10:20-11:10 | | 組織社會學 | 農業經濟學乙 | 俠義文學 | 發展社會學 |
4 11:20-12:10 | | 組織社會學 | 農業經濟學乙 | 俠義文學 | 發展社會學 |
5 13:20-14:10 | | | | | |
6 14:20-15:10 | | 統計學下 | 預定小賴 | 鄉村社區發展 | |
7 15:30-16:20 | | 統計學下 | 預定小賴 | 鄉村社區發展 | |
8 16:30-17:20 | | 統計學下 | 預定小賴 | 鄉村社區發展 | |
學分:
現19
+小賴22
duskdawn 發表在 痞客邦 留言(1) 人氣(45)
很煩,
喉嚨爛掉了一直好不起來
邊咬著洛神花乾邊灌開水
這算洛神花茶嗎
空堂:星期一 上下 星期二 上 星期三 下 星期五 下
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| 10036 | 101 12500 | | | 俠義文學 | 2 | 徐富昌 | R3 R4 |
| 10062 | 103 26720 | 01 | | 日本歷史與人物 | 2 | 張崑將 | T3 T4 |
| 10315 | 608 10400 | | | 生活園藝 | 2 | 黃鵬林 | R1 R2 |
| 10320 | 629 U2260 | | | 動物權思潮 | 2 | 費昌勇 | M1 M2 |
| 14500 | 607 203B0 | | | 農業經濟學乙 | 3 | 孫立群 | W2 W3 W4 |
| 14501 | 610 23802 | | | 統計學下 | 3 | 謝雨生 | T6 T7 T8 |
| 14510 | 610 00330 | | | 服務學習三 | 0 | 黃麗君 | |
| 14511 | 610 32400 | | | 鄉村規劃與評估 | 3 | 賴守誠 | W6 W7 W8 |
| 14512 | 610 39500 | | | 發展社會學 | 3 | 陳玉華 | F2 F3 F4 |
| 14513 | 610 40200 | | | 鄉村社區發展 | 3 | 賴爾柔 | R6 R7 R8 |
| 95067 | 144 U0690 | | | 全球音樂文化 | 2 | 陳峙維 | T1 T2 |
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算了算還不少
鄉村社會學甲
農業經濟學乙
統計學下
人口學
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